Mayo 9, 2007
Proceso 1240

The remains of the Salvadoran democracy

Without obeying any of the official calendars, the Salvadoran political parties –some more than others- are preparing their campaigns for the general elections of 2009. They do not have the specific names of the candidates, and no one has decided either if the municipal and the legislative electoral period as well as the presidential electoral period will take place in different dates. That does not seem to matter right now, because what the political parties want is to create a sense of sympathy among the population in order to transform this sympathy into enough votes to either increase or just keep a certain amount of political power.
            What should be seen as a time to prepare substantial governmental proposals or to critically analyze the mistakes of the present political actions, the political parties see as a period to focus on the same trivial matters, that is, to promote the colors of their political institutions, and to discredit their political contenders and the projects promoted by other parties. This is just more of the same.
            That rehearsal –or that circus- is an insufferable tradition since 1982. Some people even think that the elections are really not that important, and that all they do is to define who will enjoy the benefits of the political power for a certain period of time stipulated by the law for the different positions subjected to a popular election system… until the new electoral period comes along and the cycle repeats itself again.
            These are the remains of the Salvadoran democracy. It is just an electoral game that, beyond its permanent technical flaws, is not resolving the most critical problems of the Salvadoran society. This is an electoral game that portrays the divorce between politics and the Salvadoran society. Some people think that elections are the quintessential factor of democracy, and even believe that it is enough to follow the electoral calendars to keep the Salvadoran democracy in good health. Just a few people dare to question the quality of that democracy, as well as its inability to respond to the social and to the economic interests of the majority.
            One of the most terrible political diseases of El Salvador is to have reduced the concept of democracy to a periodical electoral sham where the participation of the citizenry does not go beyond the act of voting. The novelist Jose Saramago has revealed in his novel “The Name and The Thing” the perverse mechanism behind this sort of reductions. According to Saramago, “… the act of voting, being the expression of a certain political will, is simultaneously a renunciation to that will implicitly present in the delegation operated by the voter”. When a citizen gives away a vote, he or she reveals a personal political will; however, this action puts in someone else’s hands the power to administrate that personal will.
            And it is precisely here where the expectations of the citizenry are blinded, because those who become authorities use the power that has been given to them for their own personal benefit and to favor the financial oligarchies. Saramago indicates that “… no community in its right mind would even think about electing corrupt individuals as congressmen or as governmental authorities, even if the every-day bitter experiences show us that most of the national and the international power that rules the world is in the hands of criminals or in the hands of those who just give orders”.
            In other words, the authorities who represent the people go in a different direction and stay away from those who elected them. Sometimes those who are elected use the power they have in their hands to corrupt themselves and to corrupt others near them. The citizens –convinced by the media, or by the religious and the educational campaigns that their responsibility is just voting to elect a candidate- have no other choice but to become passive victims of the abuse and the mistakes of the elected ones, and wait for the next electoral event to express their political discontent.
            The diagnosis of Saramago, the Portuguese writer and holder of the 1998 Literature Nobel Prize, is valid for El Salvador. With their votes, the citizens put their political will in the hands of the parties and the leaders that have many times betrayed that will by overlooking the needs of the society. The political participation of the society has reduced itself to the act of voting, with this, an active society is nowhere to be found. The people are not used to closely watch the performance of the authorities, and that is why many institutions become just a place to lounge for the politicians and their bureaucratic comrades. Corruption, abuse, impunity, arrogance and other insulting behaviors are the result of the established weak institutional mechanisms, as well as the result of the political patrimonial attitude of a society in which the voters and those elected by them live in separate worlds.
            Ultimately, since the end of the civil war, the Salvadoran society has been forced to accept that the political democracy –a concept reduced to “periodical elections”- is all the democracy that there is, and that it would not be very realistic to expect anything different from what the authorities have been doing in politics or with the economy. No one wants to admit that, as Saramago says, “a political democracy is not very useful if it is not actually the root of an effective and a specific economic democracy accompanied by a cultural democracy”.
            The country has to stop thinking that democracy will just develop by itself just because it is a valid concept. In fact, the economic democracy and the cultural democracy –both suggested by Saramago- are truly missed. The mechanisms of the political dimension of democracy are so tarnished by corruption that to speak about the existence of a political democracy is not a very realistic thought. These are just a few perspectives to face the up-coming presidential elections, because, sadly, nothing much can be expected from it in 2009.

 

From the party to the cabinet and vice-versa: the designation
of the public officials in ARENA


Because it controls the government, ARENA is the platform for its members to jump from the internal life of the party to the public sphere of the country. This transition is as frequent as the poor performance of several governmental public officials. As it usually happens in the months that are close to the electoral period, the official party is already making plans to face the 2009 presidential elections. Even if the rest of the political parties cannot stay away from this pre-electoral tendency, the specific case of ARENA stands out from the rest.
            In both the internal reorganization of the party and the designation of the public positions, the fundamental criterion followed by the official party seems to be how politically convenient their decisions will be in reference to the people chosen for certain positions. Therefore, they are not chosen because of their skills. Even if for the internal life of the party this criterion might be good enough, to create a cabinet, the parameters should be different. In this sense, the official party still owes a considerable amount of respect to the society because it chooses its public officials through an arbitrary process.

 

Recycled public officials


At least theoretically speaking, one of the tasks of the political parties should be to work as representation channels in order to create professional groups for the bureaucratic institutional apparatus of the State. These groups should respond to a basic profile: to be responsible in their administrative performance, to be qualified professionals, to be morally reliable public officials.
            However, in the case of ARENA, the candidates are not qualified enough to meet these requirements. Most of the party’s public officials are incompetent and their administration is inefficient; however, they remain inside the party and inside the teams of the cabinet. In fact, the official party usually reassigns the public officials that are criticized because of their performance, or because of their inefficient administration, to other positions as a way to either punish them or dissipate the doubts about their general performance.
            On the other hand, when the public officials have shown their loyalty to the party, or to the interests of the economic circles that are close to the party, they are rewarded with public positions. Following this logic, the interests of the majority is at a secondary level of importance and a good performance is not the requirement that the party considers to designate them as public officials at the head of an institution. On the contrary, their relationships are defined through the kind of friendship they have among them, the politically convenient moves that the party has to make, the degree of “trust” that the most important members of the party have on a certain public official, and the public officials’ will to take care of the particular interests of the party.
            This tendency is a serious problem, because it means that most public positions are occupied by recycled officials. That is why even if there are certain pieces of evidence about the questionable performance of a public official it should not seem odd if he is rewarded with new important positions inside the party or inside the government itself.
            For instance, the present Attorney General received a considerable amount of harsh criticism about his performance inside the National Registry of Natural People (RNPN, in Spanish). He was not qualified for the position, but it did not matter that he did not have the right education or the right professional background. On the other hand, the new director of the RNPN has proved that he is not able to deal with the responsibilities he has in this institution. The media have pointed at the irregularities in the contract between DOCUSAL and the RNPN, and the director seems to ignore this problem because he does not know how to explain what happened. Why has this public official been chosen to direct the RNPN? What are they really after with this designation?
            To recycle public officials is a problematic option because the same questionable militants keep occupying important public positions. Without overlooking the skills of the individuals, the problem is that they do not meet the basic amount of requirements to occupy a public position, based on their professional merits and on their field of expertise. While this tendency persists, the Salvadoran public administration will keep revealing more of that authoritarian behavior, and the people will see more of the incompetence and the corruption of the public officials.

The changes inside the COENA


In ARENA, the changes inside the party are so frequent that they remind us of the ones inside the governmental cabinet. The National Executive Council (COENA, in Spanish) has been criticized by several of its members and by quite a few militants of the official party due to its vertical decision making process; in fact, the electoral defeats are usually blamed on the poorly democratic decisions made by the COENA.
            In this sense, the party is constantly making internal changes in order to redefine its electoral strategies. As far as this year is concerned, the COENA has been restructured a couple of times already. Among these transformations, the former minister of Public Works, David Gutierrez, now as the director of the municipal affairs, has been replaced by Jorge Mauricio Suvillaga Parraga, a business man and a militant of the official party.
            This designation can be interpreted as the implicit acceptance of the criticism against the Gutierrez administration. His departure from the Ministry of Public Works should also be questioned, since he resigned right when the problems inside that institution were becoming public affairs, as well as the irregularities in the bids for different projects and the contracts. Despite of all that criticism, Gutierrez abandoned his institutional position and he has disappeared from the public scene; that is why it would be perfectly believable to think that the party is somehow protecting him.
            The official version of the party is that Gutierrez left his public position due to health problems. However, it is quite questionable that he walks away and that the competent institutions are not investigating his administrative performance. This shows how little control the government has over its public officials; in fact, it reflects the lack of effective evaluation mechanisms aimed to monitor the performance of the public officials, regardless of the political party they belong to. This also reveals the lack of initiative of the political opposition when it comes to have a certain amount of control over the members of the cabinet.
            On the other hand, the Salvadoran civil society should be able to gain the necessary amount of awareness in order to demand from both the government and the public officials an efficient and an honest performance, so that they cannot easily escape from the criticism against their institutional conduct.
            During April, there were other changes inside the COENA, since Silvia Aguilar, the Minister of Governance for a brief period of time, has been chosen by President Saca as the General Administrator of the COENA. Aguilar is replacing Ramon Gonzalez, a congressman of the PARLACEN that was killed in February in Guatemala along with other congressmen of the same institution. According to several public officials, these changes are an effort of the party to gain the sympathy of the voters.
            About her new situation inside the party, Aguilar stated in a local electronic newspaper that “…in life you have to make decisions. I am a person that has always decided where I want to be and who I want to be. I mean that between the Ministry and my party, I definitively prefer my party”. Her words reveal the tradition of the official party, that is, to reward or to punish its public officials with certain positions inside the COENA.

           

Other articles featured in this issue of Proceso:

    • Did Arnold Harberger change his mind?
    • The National Civilian Police closes its ranks before the presence of criticism
    • Bosses dressed in sheep’s suits
    • The opinion of Father Jose Maria Tojeira about the National Commission of Civilian Security and Social Peace
    • The executive brief: The report of the educational progress of El Salvador in 2006 (Part II)