PROCESO — WEEKLY NEWS BULLETINEL SALVADOR, C.A.

Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)

E-mail: cidai@cidai.uca.edu.sv

Universidad Centroamericana (UCA)
Apdo. Postal 01-168 Boulevard Los Próceres
San Salvador, El Salvador, Centro América
Tel: +(503) 210-6600 ext. 407
Fax: +(503) 210-6655

 

Proceso is published weekly in Spanish by the Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI) of the Central American University (UCA) of El Salvador. Portions are sent in English to the *reg.elsalvador* conference of PeaceNet in the USA and may be forwarded or copied to other networks and electronic mailing lists. Please make sure to mention Proceso when quoting from this publication.

 

Subscriptions to Proceso in Spanish can be obtained by sending a check for US$50.00 (Americas) or $75.00 (Europe) made out to 'Universidad Centroamericana' and sent to the above address. Or read it partially on the UCA’s Web Page: http://www.uca.edu.sv

 

For the ones who are interested in sending donations, these would be welcome at Proceso. Apdo. Postal 01-168, San Salvador, El Salvador.

 



Proceso 1120
November 3, 2004
ISSN 0259-9864

 

 

Índice


 

Editorial: It is better if they pay taxes

Politics: Saca and the business elite

Economy: A fiscal or a legal reform?

 

 

Editorial


It is better if they pay taxes

 

One of the most frequent arguments used by the important business companies’ associations to resist the intensified control that the government is about to exert on them in order to deal with the tax evasion problem is that this initiative will harm the investments, and that the economy will be somehow paralyzed. Instead of stimulating the investments, it will drive them away, and a stagnated economy would put the country’s economic growth in serious danger. This is an old argument that was used fifteen years ago to justify that they wanted to be free from the control of the State. Back then they said that if they had to spend less money on taxes and that if they were less subjected to the control of the State, they would invest more in the country and this one would reach the ideal economic growth (6% annually). Fifteen years later, that economic growth barely touches a 2%, and investments are not high enough.

At this moment when the procedures are being examined, it could be the time to analyze this policy of ARENA. It would be necessary to compare the percentage of revenue that the State has not collected in these years in order to stimulate the investment of the private sector’s associations when taxes are reduced (and when there’s a relaxed control) with the total amount of its investments. It can be said that there is an abysmal difference between both aspects, that is, that the amount that the private sector has invested in the national economy is very small if compared with the percentage of revenue that State has not been able to collect. Capital has been indeed multiplied and accumulated. The capital of several companies has grown in a considerable manner, but that does not seem to be a reason to invest in the country, as it was expected. If this hypothesis were verified, the Saca administration would have to draw the obvious conclusion: since with fewer taxes and with less controlling mechanisms, the wealthiest business companies do not invest, if they are taxed in accordance with the income that they make and to the patrimony that they have, at least they will pay taxes. It is only fair that they pay taxes since they are not going to invest in the country and the economy will remain stagnated anyway. By paying taxes at least they could be able to contribute to finance the public services.

The most important private business companies do not want the government to effectively control their operations, as the tax reform presented by the Saca administration intends to, because it will be more difficult for them to evade taxes, besides the fact that they pay very little already. A study shows that more than half of the private business companies pay the amount of taxes that at the present time they are supposed to pay, that those that pay less taxes are the sectors of construction, commerce, and transportation. The contribution that comes from the private business companies through the taxes they pay barely represents 0.01% of their gross income; not to speak about their debt with the Social Security System, which involves millions and nobody dares to claim it. It is scandalous to see that there is just a little more than a thousand contributors that declare an income tax of no more than four thousand dollars. The associations of the most important private business companies are not worried about how the tax measures reduce the rhythm of the economic growth, nor about how the investment does not satisfy the expectations and that the national economy remains stagnated, They are only concerned about the threat that those measures represent for their illegal activities and their privileges.

For that reason, transparency is indispensable in the administration of the tax reform that has been already approved, just as requested by the gremial of the most important private business companies, in a reaction that could not hide its discomfort about four measures that they do not like. This transparency should also consider the national expense, because this one does not include a detailed description, and only very few people have access to it. Most people only handle general information and general amounts. In addition, certain secret documents such as the one of the Presidential House and the way they make several expenses should be eliminated with the same principle. Transparency would avoid certain subsidies that are difficult to explain and would allow the citizenry to have a better control of the government on a matter that is relevant to all and not only to the government, or to the private sector. Therefore, it is necessary to facilitate the social control of the State’s treasury, and in order to do that it is indispensable to give away the pertinent information. This control is not an attribution of the association of the most important business companies, which undertakes an universal representation that it does not have, because it is the only national sector that counts with the necessary reception when it comes to reveal their positions on the tax policy.

There is a certain discomfort between the associations that belong to the most important business companies and the government because the latter did not accept all of the companies’ demands about making some modifications. There are very particular reasons for this attitude. Many of its members, at least the most important ones, in terms of capital, contribute with considerable amounts to the financing of ARENA. This contribution is so important that the party handles a list of donors, arranged according to the amount of their contribution. Those that occupy the first places have a word to say in the most important decisions; the others are compensated with public positions, according to their donations. In the private discussions on the tax measures it was proposed to cut this contribution in order to pay the taxes that the government demands. Another form to compensate the most generous donors of ARENA is with the subsidy of the State. In the general budget there are elements destined to finance their foundations and even their institutions of superior education. Sometimes, the level of the subsidy is higher than the actual contribution of the donor. This way, the ARENA administration, with the contributions of the citizenry, helps to deficiently finance a part of the inadequately called social responsibilities of the private business companies, by which, in addition, the latter increase its level of publicity.

Perhaps the vanguards and the leaders of ARENA are different from the ones of the FMLN, because for ARENA the criterion is the level of contribution that the donors bring to finance the party’s activities. Transparency would suppress this kind of privileges and would strengthen the degree of governance, that the associations of the private sector demand. Therefore, it is better that they pay their taxes just like any other contributor pays, without privileges of any sort -and that they finance the activities of their party with their income and their patrimony. This would be more of an equitable mechanism, not only for those of us that do not enjoy such privileges, but also for the political parties. For an acceptable degree of governance it is also better if they pay their taxes, because governance does not only include the parties, but also the scandalous differences of the income. In the end, it is better that they pay in order to get more investments and for the national economic growth.

G

 

Politics


Saca and the business elite

 

The tax reform, that all the sectors have complained about for a long time, started its implementation process just last week. All the legislative fractions, except the FMLN, approved a first set of reforms, and the ultimate objective (when mentioning its defenders) is to close the keys of the fiscal evasion. Nevertheless, this is a subject about which different analyst seem to have a unanimous opinion. They have indicated that this reform is not enough to solve the enormous fiscal problems of the country. Many have realized that to face the social problems and the increasing imbalance of the public accounts, it will take more than a pompous set of good intentions.

The reform does not contemplate the increase of the taxes, far from doing that it has not touched the problem of the regressive character of the taxes in question, a subject that has been touched many times before in relation to the Salvadoran fiscal system. President Saca and his minister of Hacienda (The Internal Revenue Service) have been in charge to reveal the details of this process. They have repeated that they do not intend to increase the fiscal loads of the businessmen. Even so, several influential businessmen -grouped in the National Association of the Private Companies (ANEP)- do not appreciate some decisions of the Executive power. Others dare to compare Saca with a president who imposes his points of view without consulting his “subjects”. This article will try to analyze these events. One of the main objectives will be to respond if Antonio Elías Saca is willing to leave aside the interests of the business elite, and see the priorities of most Salvadorans.

The complaint of the businessmen
Since Saca announced his intention to implement a tax reform plan he has kept discussing it with the most important businessmen. After several meetings, they concluded that the solution to the State’s income problem did not have to do with an increase of the contribution of the business elite, but with the reduction of the fiscal evasion level and the extension of the taxation base. In the words of one of the economic advisers of the campaign of Saca, Eduardo Zablah Touché, the proposed reform will reduce "the number of cunning people” and “their dirty tricks will become less important”. In other terms, the present administration decides to attack those who do not pay their taxes and those that have increased their profits thanks to corruption.

Despite their initial declarations of support, the ANEP has presented certain objections to the amendment. Within this amendment, the financial sector has headed the protests against the government. The mass media summarize this situation in five the subjects that excessively worry to the unhappy businessmen. They do not seem to agree with:
a) The possibility to tax the income that comes from the credits that have been negotiated abroad.
b) The obligation to present account balances and an income tax declaration in their credit requests.
c) Giving away financial information to the Ministry of Hacienda without the designation of a special inspector.
d) The idea of paying taxes to the contingency reserves, even when there are losses, it seems to them that this is a steal.
e) Offering daily information about the credit card operations or debits’ deals that are made in the country.

In the opinion of Claudio de Rosa, the executive director of the powerful Salvadoran Banking Association (ABANSA, in Spanish), "these measures go against the heart of the financial system", because the National Banks would stop being competitive in Central America. And, in order to survive, they would have to raise the interest rates. With these measures, "the business that had allowed us to regionalize our institutions and our aspiration to turn El Salvador into a financial plaza will disappear, since the international banking system operates with a mechanism of tax exemption". In the same line, other spokesmen of the financial sector sustained that the measures will promote "more complicated and complex controls [ that ] will mean a loss of time for the businessmen".

Some of those in favor to free the businessmen from any kind of control, that is the main fiscal evaders in the country, recommend "not to set the farm on fire to kill the ticks". "To raise taxes and mainly to continue collecting them through on the same group of contributors –according to El Diario de Hoy-, can negatively affect the profits of the companies, the general levels of employment, and also reduce the State’s revenue".

In other words, both the bankers and the business elite do not approve of the measures proposed by the government to neutralize the fiscal evasion. What seems to be the solution for the preachers of the social rescue labors to finance several social programs, to face the payment of the pensions, or to simply keep up with the service of the public debt, for the bankers is just an obstacle that will ruin their business. Does this mean that the divorce between ARENA and the business elite is about to begin? Will Saca be able to work without the support of the ANEP? Is it possible for a government of the right wing to live in a different dimension and not in the same exact one as the financial system?

Saca against the businessmen?
Despite the complaints, the first set of reforms was approved. Saca clearly explained his intentions to the rebellious businessmen. "We will probably agree -the President said- on everything that might not be clear enough, and we will rewrite some aspects. What we will not agree on, is the fact that we cannot change what will allows us to collect the funds that the Salvadoran population is hoping for ". Some describe this governmental logic as a sign of accessibility and firmness. One of the goals is to be able to negotiate with the businessmen. But, when it comes to obtain what the government needs to fulfill some of the promises that have been made to the Salvadorans, Saca says that the interests of the country occupy the first place. In other words, during the discussion about the tax reform, Saca had another great opportunity to seem brilliant. He appears as a good father that demands the same sacrifices from all of his children. His image of firmness before the recalcitrant businessmen contributes to enhance his figure as a President with determination.

Nevertheless, these gestures are not enough to speak about a government ready to face the businessmen. First of all because the reform in question has not truly analyzed the fiscal problem of El Salvador. The idea of an agreed progressive tax (in accordance with the income of the citizenry and the businessmen) has not been discussed, and there is the idea that any tax increase is in itself detrimental for the country. An extremely neoliberal thesis has prevailed, and they preach about smaller tax rates for a considerable economic growth.

As a result of all this, in the discussion about the fiscal reform only the opinion of one sector has been considered. All the concerns of Saca and his ministers have been revolving around the businessmen. They have explained to the businessmen that the reform will not substantially alter their profits. The declarations made by the President on the subject do not leave any room for doubts. "Thanks to this decision of the Assembly, to approve of these laws, and thanks to the private business companies, that have been so understanding, is that we are going to be able to adopt them, when these become laws officially speaking". In other words, it is necessary to thank the businessmen for being so magnanimous and for willing to sacrifice themselves.

The political components of the reforms
The fact that Saca has been able to talk the business elite into accepting that tax evasion will be punished as a crime that can be paid with jail-time, is a well-known fact and it is necessary to examine it. The fact that the President has publicly declared, against the interests of the bankers, that he is not willing to make any concessions in certain subjects connected with the tributary reform is even more of an admirable deed. In sixteen years at the head of the Executive power it is the first time that the marriage between business elite and ARENA seems to display such frictions. However, this is not enough to speak about a president with an independent criteria, who would be willing to stay away, if the circumstances required such action, from the support of the private business companies.

On the contrary, this small confrontation shows the voracity of the Salvadoran businessmen, no matter how much they try to speak about nationalism and their alleged identification with the social causes of the country. In fact, they do not understand any language that might contradict their desire to accumulate money without scruples, even if this goes against the public State Treasury. They reject the initiatives aimed to control the fiscal evasion. Therefore, their leading ideologists continue speaking about the need to increase those taxes connected with the activities of the traveling salesmen, instead of closing the gaps in the system that are used by the dishonest businessmen.

The relative firmness shown by Saca and his minister of Hacienda must be understood in the light of some certainties whereupon the right wing finished the last presidential elections. That block ended up convincing itself that if does not neutralize some of its more flagrant abuses against the public State Treasury and against the Salvadoran consumers, it will be more difficult for it to keep the control of the State. On the basis of this conviction, Saca becomes politically stronger. In addition, in the race towards the next elections he must convince the Salvadorans that he is able to keep his word. The approval of the tax reform is a merit of the President. From a political point of view, it has an important meaning, because it seems to have been accomplished in spite of the disloyal maneuvers of the business elite. This is how the figure of a president of the right wing can be enhanced, ready to face those that sponsored his electoral campaign and that control the mysteries of power in the country.

However, for the health of the Salvadoran democracy, this type of confrontations between the right wing politicians and the group of pressure of the business elite would have to occur more often. In such case, the country would begin to standardize itself and the monopoly of a single sector would not occur in the State’s apparatus. That way, the politicians would stop behaving like exclusive officials of the most powerful groups, incapable to play their role and articulate the demands of the different sectors of the national life.

The rebellion of Saca, to call it somehow, nevertheless, is only an action in the heat of the moment that, in the present conditions, might not become a permanent institutional attitude. Because, indeed, the political counterpart that made that reaction possible does not seem able to consolidate itself as an alternative to the State’s management of the right wing.

G

 

Economy


A fiscal or a legal reform?

 

Last week, the Legislative Assembly approved a series of reforms to the fiscal policy. With them, the State intends to eradicate the evasion of the Value Added Taxes (IVA, in Spanish) and the evasion of the income taxes. In order to get ahead, new laws were created and the effective ones were reviewed in order to strongly sanction all the people and companies that have pending accounts with the State’s Treasury Department. Those are dedicated to the contraband of merchandise will also be sanctioned.

The reforms have generated diverse opinions. For the businessmen, its implementation will slow down the economic activity of the country. The new legal frame will force many businesses to present their exact accounts to the State’s Treasury and in that is how they will have to establish their business and deal with their accounting in a formal manner. This represents for many companies a very high transaction cost that not all –mainly the micro and the small companies- of them will be able to bear. In spite of that, an important amount of businessmen is willing "to run the risk", in order to heal the public finances. Others think that the reforms exclusively represent a very partial solution to the fiscal problem of the country, because the mechanisms to collect more taxes are not enough to face the future needs that the State will have to face: the payment of the debt and the pensions, as well as a larger amount of investments in health and education, among other areas.

The congressmen of the FMLN -that did not vote during the meeting in which the reforms were approved- insist that the transformations are not enough. They blame the governmental party for not wanting to make more of a complex analysis regarding the reforms, in order to play it safe for the interests of some private sectors, specially the banking system.

Most of the businessmen are not willing to accept a restructuring of the tax rates. For those that think that the State would have to implement a more complex tax reform, the position of the business companies reveals that this sector is not willing to pay to a higher Value Added Tax or a higher level of income tax, without making sure that, previously, all the people that by law would have to pay for it find themselves actually paying indeed. In that sense, the efforts that the government is making now would have to be understood exclusively as the beginning of a greater effort. Now the fiscal pressure will only rise; but the moment will arrive when the measures that are adopted now will not be enough to face the enormous amount of needs that the State has.

The fiscal proposal, is it regressive or progressive?
The FMLN wanted to get an early start in the presentation of the fiscal amendments of the Executive power and handed their own proposal to the Legislative Assembly; however, the party did not get the necessary support. This project intends to reorient the public expense for the economic reactivation, which will help to increase the social expense and the internal demand.


The FMLN considers that to finance the reorientation of the public expense it is necessary to strengthen the income level of the government through a tax reform in order to reach at least an average position among the countries of Latin America in reference to the GNP, which is something close to 16%. This goal will be achieved, according to the members of the FMLN, through the following measures: the combat against tax evasion; the establishment of a progressive fiscal reform able to settle burdens that are directly proportional to the income level; the extension of the tributary base, and the reduction of the evasion level.

The goal of the reform proposed by the left wing party is to "reduce the amount of taxes paid by those who make a smaller income, and progressively raise the taxes of those who make a considerable income, that is, the wealthy ones". With this measure, the income tax level paid by the regular people would be substantially reduced for thousands of contributors.

With the present tax system, all those that make up to $2.154 dollars per year, are exempt from paying the income tax. Beyond this amount, they begin to pay their income taxes. In the proposed tax system, all those that make up to $11,428 dollars per year, will not have to pay the previously mentioned taxes. The income tax rates will progressively increase for those who make more than $11,428 dollars per year. For the business owners of the micro, the small and the medium level companies, a deduction will be established for the same amount of their income tax.

Before such situation, the economist Carlos Acevedo, one of the coordinators of the Development Program of the United Nations (PNUD, in Spanish), considers that technically there are problems in some of the measures proposed by the left wing party. He indicated, for instance, that "to establish a differentiated income tax for the banks is to take a sector and to apply a special rate to it, as if the profits were higher and probably this is somehow true, because the banking system is profitable, but there are other businesses that are equally of profitable. That creates disincentives".

As for the IVA, the FMLN proposes a differentiated rate. This would mean that the larger costs created by the collection of taxes will compensate a possibly higher revenue. The truth is that the objective of the left wing party is to create higher taxes for the wealthy, that is why it proposes the application of the IVA, differentiating high rates for the sumptuous products. Several opinions of the business sector agree with the idea that a differentiated IVA can produce negative effects in the national economic scene, since the businessmen, when observing that such a measure can affect their interests, they simply go somewhere else, and this action creates a higher level of unemployment. Acevedo considers that "the principle of creating higher tax rates for the wealthy is part of a vertical equity, accepted in the tax theory worldwide. The problem is that it has to be applied in specific political contexts; however, if the correlation of forces does not allow the FMLN to apply it, it is not prudent to make such a recommendation".

The intentions of the FMLN are positive, because they are looking for an equitable goal, but they are not politically viable. In addition, to raise the collection of taxes by four points of the GNP is not recommendable: this cannot be achieved drastically, and especially not in the short term.

The position of the private business companies
The reform has caused certain discrepancies between the government and the private sector. The ANEP says that it is looking forward to the development of the fiscal reforms approved by the Legislative organ. Raul Melara, the executive director of the business companies’ gremial, indicated that the position of this institution has always been willing to collaborate with the combat against the fiscal evasion, so that the tax base is able to increase: "we hope that the modifications of the law are accompanied by other measures such as a policy of transparency for the public administration and a policy of austerity for the expense".

In this sense, the private sector has adopted the role of an "indirect inspector" in relation to the State’s decisions, "trying to control the discretionary behaviors". It is important to ask if what the private business companies are actually looking for is to protect their own interests and to influence the decisions of the government. The ANEP presented a document where it objects thirteen articles of the reform. According to this institution, its members are not trying to protect a particular sector: "we believe that it is necessary to create a policy of incentives. We must be conscious that the revenue will increase if the private investments are increased and if the economy grows".

The congressman of ARENA, Julio Gamero, supposes that these observations are an obstacle for the quick approval of the amendments. "This is a barrier for the fiscal reforms. It is obvious that the ANEP does not agree with some aspects ".

On the other hand, the financial sector also has been unhappy with some of the measures included in the fiscal reform. The Salvadoran Banking Association (ABANSA, in Spanish) indicated that certain fiscal reforms are exclusively aimed to the financial sector. According to the institution, with the approved dispositions, the banking system would stop being competitive enough in a regional scale, and would have to focus itself only on the national market. The most crucial reform for the bankers is the establishment of burdens to the income that comes from the loans granted by Salvadoran banks located abroad. With such measure, this system would present certain disadvantages before the credit offers of other organizations in the area. "We would stop being competitive in the region, because while the Salvadoran banking system pays 25% in income taxes by positioning, the banks of each nation wherever there is a competing market would not have to pay that", said Claudio de Rosa, the executive director of ABANSA.

Although it is certain that there are several measures that worry both the bankers and the business sector, the government must analyze if these reforms actually affect the competitiveness of the country in the regional scope. Otherwise, the position of the State will have to adopt a rigid position in the application of the fiscal reform.

A peculiar piece of information
A glance at the programming of the regular income that the State waits for in the next year and the already programmed ones for the present reveal an important piece of information: in 2005 it is expected to get a higher revenue through the income taxes than through the IVA (Value Added Tax). This seems to be an odd idea and it contrasts with the affirmation of the government about "catching” mainly those that do not pay the IVA.

 

The current revenue of the State

(in millions of dollars)

 

   2004                            2005                        Variation            

1. Revenue:                                1,880.3                        2.047.6                         167.3

 - Income taxes                             556.8                            640.1                            83.3

 - Transference of the real estate     13.7                   14.3                             0.6

- Imports                                       179.6                           209.4                             29.8

- IVA                                            1.059.6                           1.093.1                             33.5

- Product Consumption                    70.0                                89.6                             19.6

- Diverse  sources                              0.6                                  1.1                               0.5

2. The revenue that does not            70.5                               80.7                             10.2

    come from taxes

3, Current Transferences                    9.2                               15.1                               5.9

 

Source: Ministry of Hacienda of El Salvador.

 


The previous picture could be indicating that the government will focus itself fundamentally on the persecution of those who do not pay their income taxes. Whereas the percentage variation of the IVA will increase by 3.16%; more of a considerable variation will be connected with the income taxes with 14.96%. However, even though this could happen, it is possible to notice that the relation between the taxes that are obtained through the IVA (a indirect tax) and the income taxes (a direct tax) is very different. Consequently, the taxation structure in the country would continue being basically a regressive structure.

It is important to implement a range of reforms that are sufficiently coherent with the economic needs of the Salvadorans and those of the State. This means that the country has to develop a taxation structure able to generate the necessary resources, a structure that does not affect the wallets of the poorest sectors. The option represented by the indirect taxes has the purpose to stimulate the accumulation of capital process, that is why it is also necessary to consider that a tax of this nature tends to generate a great level of inequality and serious social tensions with it.

G

 

 

 


Please, send us your comments and suggestions
More information:
Tel: +503-210-6600 ext. 407, Fax: +503-210-6655