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Proceso 1092
March 31, 2004
ISSN 0259-9864
 
 

INDEX




Editorial: Hard times for the FMLN

Politics: The transformations inside the left wing

Economy: The linear Neoliberal thought and its impact in the Salvadoran economy

 
 
Editorial


Hard times for the FMLN

 

The results of the electoral process have placed the FMLN into a crisis. However, this crisis could be positive for the party, if this political institution faces this stage of its existence with maturity and intelligence. An evaluation of the performance of the party during the electoral process is an unavoidable task. And that evaluation will definitively bring along an internal reorganization. A serious evaluation should be faced without the need to fragment the party once again. This would only strengthen the party’s main adversary, and the FMLN would run the risk of becoming smaller, radical, and violent. Isolation is not convenient at all. Nevertheless, certain impositions to keep the party united at all costs are not an acceptable alternative.

If the party opens internal spaces to vent and discuss its differences, those who are unhappy would have no need to use the public tribunes, something that the most important news media offer them gladly. They enjoy it when they are able to present a show that involves the FMLN, especially when they fight and seem to grow further apart because of their lack of capacity to listen, to examine their performance, and to change. It is important t listen to those who do not feel happy inside and outside the party. The present leaders should not dictate the criteria to evaluate what happened, the leaders of the party should not assist to the reunions as political sheriffs, trying to see if anybody moves away from the official lines. What is important is to open the necessary spaces for the members of the party to express their mistakes and their right choices, their claims and their dissatisfaction. A crisis cannot be resolved by imposing a certain perspective that denies what is evident. To hide reality is not the best choice available.

The fact that the number of votes increased is not enough to ignore what happened. The adversary is not the only one to blame for the electoral defeat. It is not correct to assume that idea since the adversary will always have more resources, the FMLN is doomed to lose any presidential election. The present directive board of the FMLN already made a mistake when it interpreted the elections of 2003. After this experience, the members of the party should analyze more carefully the fact that during this election the their political institution obtained twice as much votes than it did during 1999. The FMLN should wonder how can it be possible that even with this growth it was not possible to win the presidential elections, why its main adversary is more convincing than the left wing, why the FMLN is not capable to reduce the amount of fear and the coercion that the adversary promotes among the citizenry. The adversary is more powerful, but another portion of the answer is inside the FMLN. Is it not the FMLN the party of the people? Then, why the Salvadoran population does not support their party at the polls? It is useless to say that the population is ignorant and lost. The FMLN has a dilemma, if it is a party for the poor and the excluded people, why is it that the middle class is the one voting for it and not necessarily the poor sectors of society?

This is not about removing leaders. To replace people is not necessarily the answer. The challenge of the FMLN is more complicated than that. In addition to an evaluation of the party’s performance, the FMLN has to analyze and discuss many issues. If the present directive board would contrast different opinions with a genuine interest to be at the height of the circumstances, it would improve its performance. There is not much time left to do this. In about a year, the country will be facing again a new electoral period. The danger for the FMLN is to become an isolated and a radical group, destined to be the opposition but never to be part of the Executive power. It is necessary to remember that the main political adversary of the FMLN will also plan the direction that they will follow during this year of transition. The future of both parties depends, paradoxically, on what they both do. If the FMLN insists on following the same strategy, the adversary will only have to reorganize and improve its tactics, which already proved its effectiveness. The FMLN has an opportunity to show its political maturity and its capacity to listen and negotiate. To hide behind the disciplinary formalisms is nothing but another wrong exit.

In addition to an enormous challenge, the FMLN has a great responsibility, since it is a vital reference point for many people. According to the amount of votes collected during the last presidential elections, now there are more people following the FMLN. For most of them, the FMLN is a symbol of changes and hope. However, there are more people who want changes as well, and this time they did not seem to trust the FMLN. By the time the electoral results were revealed, this portion of the population did not only feel frustrated, but they were also invaded by a sense of defeat. The party should not only respect these feelings, but it should also examine what happened with the party. Many people are very upset for what happened. This responsibility should be enough to end with any authoritarian attitude or any conduct that might try to impose one point of view. The FMLN is much more than its present directive board. A party that claims to belong to the people, should listen to them and be sympathetic, it should explain its behavior to the people, and make plans for those followers. This is a good opportunity for the FMLN to show the population that it is a qualified party to administrate a crisis, and that it has enough maturity to face such an important electoral failure, in order to admit its mistakes, and continue struggling for the welfare of the people.

This struggle should be the main reason not to attach the future of the FMLN to a specific directive board. The important aspect of this whole matter is not the political survival of the present directive board, but the cause of the party, the necessary transformations for the welfare of the Salvadoran population. The mission is much more important that any directive board.

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Politics


The transformations inside the left wing

 

Ever since the presidential elections took place, many things have been said about the performance of the Salvadoran political life. Some analysts have studied the situation of the parties, which were reduced to a couple of rivals among an unusual level of polarization. The most relevant opinions, in addition to indicate the dangers of this new configuration of the system of parties for the Salvadoran democracy, they invite the FMLN to initiate a process of internal transformations in order to follow the rhythm of the new reality of the country.

These ideas about the necessary transformations inside the FMLN have created all sorts of opinions. The considerations vary according to the interests and the ideological affiliation of the analysts. For the spokespeople of the right wing, the solution goes through a change of identity for the left-wing party. For those who defend this thesis, the electoral results show that the Salvadorans detest Marxism and the struggle of classes that several followers preach about. Some people think that the best that can happen to the left wing is to adopt the linear thought that consecrates the preeminence of the market and the free economy as the mechanism to resolve the social and the economic problems of the country. In this sense, many somber days seem to be approaching towards the FMLN, because its leaders will hardly abandon their irreverent way of thinking before the thesis of the omnipotence of the market. That is why ARENA places a higher bet for a progressive deterioration of the FMLN in favor of a new left-wing project that might follow the line of those who have been expelled from it.

Another kind of considerations that have been made about the situation of the left wing indicate the impossibility of a transformation inside the FMLN. Hector Silva sustains that “the country should see that there is no left wing, but several ones. On the contrary, this will get us nowhere. Logic has always led people to think that a project of a democratic left wing could be created with the FMLN. However, all of the attempts, including mine, have failed”.

The only way to save the project of the left wing, or any alternative project is to create a new left wing. Facundo Guardado, a former militant of the FMLN, sustains that it is necessary to “sketch a complex strategy for the medium term in order to create a militancy, an organization, an electoral apparatus, a program, and a candidacy. A well-articulated process could have a relevant electoral success in 2006, reach approximately 22 congressmen and about 24 city halls. This is a realistic goal since there will be an alternative for those who do not want to vote for the FMLN or for ARENA. By 2009, there will be a new force able to compete in the presidential elections”.

What do these perspectives have in common? The people who presently occupy the powerful positions inside the FMLN. In addition, both perspectives seem to overlook the amount of power that the FMLN has among the electorate. These perspectives are not considering the direction that the transformations will take or the identity of the party. And they are definitively not considering that certain behaviors can be connected with the context and the objective relations with the rest of the actors of the political life.

A critique to the critics
Whatever happens in the end with the FMLN has to do with premonitions that have nothing to do with the philosophy that guides the present analysis. Although many people try to guess which one of the sides will keep or take the control of the left wing party, it is more important to notice the presence of a few elements that will work both as conditions to establish the transformation plans and as the goals of such plans.

It would be convenient to see that the campaign of ARENA, which talks about the kind of left wing that the country allegedly needs, should not be taken too seriously. It is not the duty of the official party to determinate the behavior of the left wing. To say that the official party needs a certain kind of left wing –which they refer to as “modern”, and which would have forgotten all about the antagonisms between the workers and the owners of the means of production- is nothing but a cheap kind of propaganda. In any case, a left wing that does not have much electoral credibility would be convenient for the plans of a right wing that intends to administrate the country without considering different opinions.

In reference to the personalities of the left wing who have spoken their minds about the necessary changes that should be adopted by the FMLN, it seems that they do not have a clear idea about the dimension of their analysis. Is it necessary to have an option from the left wing to compete with the FMLN? Will it be enough to reorganize the internal structure of the party? Is the FMLN the problem of the left wing or the solution for the total control that ARENA has over the Executive? After reading the considerations of these left-wing analysts about the situation of the country, it seems that they are not conscious of the new pieces of information about the elections. They basically overlook the fact that 35.6% of the voters support the FMLN, and that only 3.9% of the electorate has supported the alternative project of the center left-wing leaded by the coalition.

A scenery for transformations
In the analysis of the behavior of the parties, it is important to consider the characteristics of the environment in which the parties act. According to the characteristics of this aspect, a political organization will count with more or less possibilities of either adaptation or manipulation. There is plenty to say about the environments of the parties, but that is not what this article will analyze. However, in the present political context, after the defeat of the left wing party, it is necessary to discuss the changes that several militants claim about in the context of the political scenery. The scenery that we refer to, intends to analyze the thesis of a transformation, the transformation claimed by some people in the context of the different sectors in which the party is involved. These sectors impose an interpretation of the party, and provide a set of arguments for the members about an adequate behavior.

The first one of these sceneries is the electoral one, which can be interpreted in terms of stable or instable. In a stable electoral table there is not much of a difference in the distribution of the votes, and not too many relevant changes can be observed in the correlation of forces among the parties after the elections. On the other hand, when the electoral scenery is not stable the parties usually go through turbulent times. In these circumstances, the internal cohesion is threatened and it becomes difficult for the leaderships to control a party.

The public claims made by Oscar Ortiz, the Mayor of Santa Tecla, to the FMLN should be interpreted in this context. A day after the results of the elections were revealed, Ortiz and his team demanded the resignation of the Political Council of the FMLN with the intention to create an internal reorganization of the present structure, a foundation able to consider the new national political scenery. The instability that this demand has created inside the ranks of the party seems evident. There have been confrontations and declarations that do not exactly contribute to a harmonious relationship between the sympathizers of either field.

Actually, the behavior of the group leaded by Ortiz is not too different from the approach made by those who criticize the FMLN. Just like them, the Mayor of Santa Tecla assumes that through the press he can reduce the level of power that the present leaders of his party have. However, he forgets that this was the strategy used by Joaquin Villalobos and Facundo Guardado, who ended up paying their inadequate interpretation of the reality of their party, one was sent into exile, and the other one faced a political death. Because of their attitude, the voices that claim for several changes inside the FMLN seem to forget that there are other elements that also have to be considered in order to control the party, such as the identity of the organization, the death of the possible competitors in the left wing, and the massive adhesion (which was not enough to win the elections) that the party has experienced throughout the last election.

It is necessary to consider all of these elements, not only to legitimate the stubbornness of the present leaders of the FMLN, but to make a correct analysis and take the right road towards the necessary renovation. The former elements keep the beat and sketch any transformation project, at the same time that they determine its dimensions and its public image. Even if it is true that the electoral results are an important element to analyze the stability of the parties, it is also necessary to consider the capacity that the organization has to control the situation and its leaders, in order to stay afloat in the middle of an adverse conjunction.

As for the identity of the left wing party, it is necessary to notice that the present political scenery contributes to strengthen the feelings of rejection that the FMLN has against ARENA. Many of them feel humiliated because of the arrogance of the right wing. In addition, they feel as the victims of a deception, and that their party was defeated because lies and disinformation occupy a privileged position. With these premises, any project of internal renovation that denies the rebel identity of both the sympathizers and the militants is doomed to failure. The analysts of the situation of the left wing should not just point at the authoritarian and the disloyal behavior of the leaders of the FMLN who expelled them and accused them of betraying their own principles. They also have to ask to themselves why is there a generalized adhesion to this idea inside the heads of many of the militants and the sympathizers of the left wing. The most probable answer is that they were extremely naïve or that they just rushed into things without realizing the consequences when they intended to transform the identity of their party. In certain occasions, as organizations, the parties prefer to lose the elections instead of sacrificing their own identity.

On the other hand, the possibility to give life to a new project of the left wing, and the demands for a transformation inside the FMLN should not be approached without facing a crucial reality: the FMLN is the only choice before ARENA. However, the claims that might be made against its leaders, even if they have not been able to win the presidential elections, at least they have turned their party into the only political force that can compete with the official party. Even if this does not seem important, it is a relevant piece of information for any strategy to compete with the Salvadoran system of parties.

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Economy


The linear Neoliberal thought and its impact in the Salvadoran economy

 

“Do what we do, not what we say” was the title of an article published by the Economics Nobel Price winner Joseph E. Stiglitz in the Spanish newspaper “El Pais” as a reflection about the less developed economies. His vision is that the United States has double moral standards when it comes to play the economic game: on the one hand they advise to use strict economic policies for the less developed countries, saying that this measure will lead them to take advantage of their opportunities; while, on the other hand, they implement a set of domestic policies that are quite different from the ones they recommend for others.

Stiglitz says that “nowadays, many emerging markets, from Indonesia to Mexico, are told that there is a certain code of conduct that they have to adopt if they want to be successful. The message is clear: this is what they do and this is what the advanced industrialized countries have done. If you want to join the club, you should do the same. The reforms will be painful, several personal interests will go against them; however, with enough political will, you will be able to see the benefits”.

This is the same conception that the institutions that dominate the global economy have. That is why the World’s Bank (BM, in Spanish), the International Monetary Fund (FMI), the World’s Trade Organization (OMC), and even the international companies have a common ideological root: the economic development has to follow the logic of the global Neoliberal Capitalism.

In this sense, the world has become an interconnected territory thanks to the technological revolution and the new communication systems represented by the Internet and the development of the international companies. The economic system that most of the countries have chosen has turned into a compact “global community” thanks to globalization. However, this is a fallacy, because not everyone is actually “connected” and not all of the countries have the same kind of globalization. This situation has brought along different types of consequences, and some of them are negative for the less developed countries.

For El Salvador, this is the environment and the scenery that has to be faced at present, a Capitalist system. The country depends on this system. A global economic leader, the United States, has a Neoliberal Capitalism and imposes its logic by force, and through the mechanisms of globalization. For the countries such as El Salvador this means that they are attached not only to a certain way of global historic production, which is the Neoliberal Capitalism, but to all of its economic, social, political, and cultural logic. For ARENA, this is not a problem, because its objectives intend to represent and protect the interests of an hegemonic block of business companies, which find it very convenient to have an extremely intense Capitalist vision, the one of the Neoliberal model.

The main concern in the present context is that, in El Salvador, there is a “lineal Neoliberal thought”, where the distinctive figure is the owner of the capital. The others do not count, except when it comes to deal with the political rhetoric. The Salvadoran hegemonic business block has nothing to lose, but plenty to win with the present economic model. This model favors their interests from any perspective.

In a document called “Neoliberalism in Latin America”, the Jesuits of the continent explain that the Neoliberal model “is a radical conception of Capitalism that tends to dominate the market until it becomes the means, the method and the objective of all of the rational and the intelligent human behavior”, it includes its morals and its values. In other words, the “utilitarian vision (which obviously corresponds to the logic followed by the Capitalist production model and its needs), where morals are based in the individual interests, guarantees both peace and social harmony”.

What does this mean in economic terms for El Salvador? It means that we have to allow the owners of the hegemonic business block to go ahead with all of their plans aimed to increase their profits. Their approach indicates that through the economic growth that these Capitalists create there will be “an overflowing effect”, where the welfare of some people will be transferred sooner or later to the rest of the society improving the development of the nation.

However, ARENA has characterized itself by forming an unplanned economy, the government has turned itself into a mercenary instrument of the market, and a model free of critics that works without following a nation’s plan. A classic example of how the country has lost the right direction was provided by Antonio Cabrales, the President of the Salvadoran Foundation for the Social and the Economic Development (FUSADES), which has been the tank of thought of this block since the birth of ARENA. Cabrales stated that “our little country has a positive growth, and if someone says that this is thanks to the family remittances, we do not care what the reason is, the important thing here is that it keeps getting ahead”. In other words, the important thing here is that the model continues to increase the profits of the businessmen even if it is not a balanced model and even if poverty keeps increasing.

The negative aspects keep getting worse
There is over one million inhabitants at the rural areas that are not able to cover their nutritional needs, while there are over three million people in the same situation all over this country. The government has underestimated the dimension of the poverty level, something that has been mentioned in several occasions already. This is obviously not part of the governmental priorities; that is, to have an exact radiography of the poverty level of the population.

On the other hand, free trade is a priority: the market is more important than the people. The evidence of this situation is that, with the upcoming signature of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States, the free circulation of merchandise inside that country was discussed, but not the circulation of human beings. The family remittances sustain the fragile economic structure, the country consumes more than it can produce, and this excess of consumption is financed with the family remittances and through debts.

Nevertheless, those who travel illegally to the United States put their lives at risk, and when they arrive they have to live as third class citizens, in order to work and send money to their families. This goes to show that this economic model gives more importance, above all things, the freedom for the capital.

This irresponsible attitude of seeing everything through the optic of the sovereign market can be transmitted even through the lack of concern for the lives of the future generations of Salvadorans. This means that the new generations will be in the middle of an asphyxiating indebtedness, and an unsustainable economic profile. It is enough to examine the increasing public debt, that has reached a 47% of the GNP (which is divided in a 30.3% for the external debt, and 17% for the internal debt) and prove that the remittances covered approximately 88% of the commercial deficit, while for December of 2003, the coverage was slightly superior than 70%. Nothing can guarantee that an economic model based on the expulsion of workers from the economic circuit and their later effort to send remittances is a sustainable strategy for the long term. The remittances are not able to cover the commercial deficit, and the indebtedness is not a long term strategy either. If the situation remains the same, soon the economy will have to go through several adjustments, to at least consume at the same level of whatever the economy is able to produce, that is approximately 1.5%.

“Just to eat we spend between $150 and $160 dollars per month”, said a woman when she was interviewed by a morning newspaper by the end of 2003. But what happens when, according to the DIGESTYC, the families of the urban areas need at least $129 dollars to survive every month? There is an incongruent meaning between what has been said by the statistics presented by the government, and what actually happens in the Salvadoran reality.

Who learns from whom?
It seems that the economic planning of ARENA responds to the taste of the clients: the businessmen. Are they all successful in this field? No, only the business elite, since the 500,000 micro and small business companies from the country do not seem to be included in the list of the winners of the Free Trade Agreement between Central America and the United States.

Where does ARENA learn this things if there is no plan and if El Salvador depends from the United States? Metaphorically, inside the Capitalist fish tank, if countries were fish, they all would have to have a common ideology to survive inside the “Capitalist waters”, that is, the supremacy of the free market, individualism, and the search for the maximum amount of profits as the supreme rationality of the economic behavior. However, it is ironic to see that the United States proposes the free market for Central America and it does not practice such a thing inside its own territory.

Stiglitz explains that “in every country, the equilibrium of the budget and the control of inflation are among the priorities, just like the structural reforms”. And this is nothing but the presence of a linear economic thought from the power circle formed by the United States, the BM, the FMI and the OMC, to the Consensus of Washington and the Structural Adjustment Programs (PAE, in Spanish). The question emerges by itself. The United States practice what they preach?

El Salvador is inside a stagnation process without answers. The next administration of ARENA with Tony Saca will not change the present economic perspectives if they continue to work with the Neoliberal policies. The crisis affects human lives, and this is an enormous ethic responsibility in order to end with the marriage between the governmental administration and the capital, and begin a new relationship with the welfare of the Salvadoran population.

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