PROCESO — WEEKLY NEWS BULLETINEL SALVADOR, C.A.

Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)
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     Proceso is published weekly in Spanish by the Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI) of the Central American University (UCA) of El Salvador. Portions are sent in English to the *reg.elsalvador* conference of PeaceNet in the USA and may be forwarded or copied to other networks and electronic mailing lists. Please make sure to mention Proceso when quoting from this publication.

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Proceso 1033
January 22, 2003
ISSN 0259-9864
 
 

INDEX




Editorial: The elections and the National problems

Politics: The electoral campaigns, the Debates, and the news media

Economy: The structural crackles of the Salvadoran economy

 
 
Editorial


The elections and the National problems

 

To obtain a favorable result after the elections is, at present, the main objective of the Salvadoran political parties and its leaders. They think that all they have to do is convince the citizenry that every political offer and every candidate are the best options. For them, any intention to compare the candidates or the parties does not make much sense. This is why certain political circles reject the idea of a formal discussion, and do not want to compare the projects of the candidates: there is nothing to discuss if they think that they are the only viable option for the Salvadorans. This “self-sufficiency” –which seems like an authoritarian behavior- turns into a contemptuous attitude towards the political adversaries. This leads them to believe that the people do not deserve to see the different proposals of the parties. According to this authoritarian logic, the Salvadorans must accept that only one party deserves to be supported, and that the rest should be discarded without discussing their role in this society.

El Salvador has been living inside a perverse political logic. During the elections, several candidates and parties usually refuse to discuss their plans before the citizenry. The latter does not have the opportunity to discern who deserves to be trusted. That logic has a negative consequence for politics: neither the parties nor the candidates feel the need to define their proposals in a clear way. Some of them do not even have a plan. They know that there is no space for the citizenry to discuss and examine the parties’ offers. They also believe that some music, color, and a few rhetorical messages is all it takes to attract the attention of enough voters, to either survive or consolidate their position.

Without the pressure of having to discuss their offer, the candidates and their parties say the most superficial things; and when they achieve a certain amount of power, they do something completely opposite to what they promised during the campaign. The most distinctive feature of the political campaigns is exactly how shallow they are. We can see a dangerous divorce between the electoral propaganda and the serious economic problems of the country.

Since the day that the Peace Agreements were signed, the activities of the political system began to grow apart from the society. Control and power became the distinctive features (or the defect) of the political actors. The society has been shaken by the effects of privatization, taxes, the frozen salaries, the organized crime, and the social violence. The society has not found the adequate institutional mechanisms to report their demands. In addition to the growing deterioration of their life standards, its welfare and security, the Salvadoran society –mainly the middle and the working class - lives a frustrating situation, which grows worse when its demands and needs do not receive an answer from the existing institutions. This social frustration, a result of the daily doses of violence, that the Salvadorans have to confront –especially the impoverished sectors- is a time bomb, ready to explode at any time.

The parties and the candidates do not have time to deal with the social frustration; they have neglected the society with their incapacity and their of power. They do not have time to deal with the serious issues, such as the crisis at the public health system, the increasing prices of the electric energy, corruption, and insecurity. If the politicians took their jobs seriously, they could be working on well-designed plans with clear lines of action, implementation costs, a list of products, and a schedule. Clearly, the politicians would have to make an effort to understand the enormous problems of this nation. However, nothing of the sort seems to be important for a political class that, above all, needs to either get more power or keep the one they already got.

It is a shame that those who conduct the destiny of the country are the ones who ignore the most serious problems. They are not qualified to face their tasks. These factors have driven the political system away from the society. The most dynamic social sectors
–the ones that have suffered the effects of the economic reform propelled by the three ARENA administrations- do not see any other choice but to brake the current laws. This is a very dangerous situation because the conflicts keep getting out of control.

Presently, it is not easy to establish a coherent articulation between politics and society. Politics are weak, and the society is frustrated. If there is a need to avoid the social conflicts, the politicians will have to listen to the demands of the society. An organized and a formal social pressure –more than a number of politicians willing to change- will be necessary to shape a political system at the height of the country’s challenges.

G

 

Politics


The electoral campaigns, the Debates, and the news media

 

An electoral campaign should be an opportunity to discuss the social problems with the citizenry. It should be a time to evaluate the kind of leaders that we have, and to discuss the transcendental issues. Many things could be said about an electoral confrontation; however, the main concern of those who reflect about this important moment for the national democracy is to prevent elections from turning into a simple mechanism to select the elite and replace governments. That is why many people care about a serious and a responsible discussion of the options, the political assessments and the interest that are at stake in the present time.

The media –and especially television- are the privileged channel that could establish a connection between the candidates and the voters. Among other mechanisms, the electoral debates that are broadcasted by television are very common nowadays. The intention is that the candidates discuss the most critical problems of the society. The case of the United States is probably the most emblematic example of the importance of a debate, and the role that the media play during an electoral campaign. The investigation process of the news media, the treatment of the information, and the continuous search for a debate, are the elements that usually play a decisive role during the development of the elections.

In the Salvadoran news media, as it happens in many other parts of the world, we can see a growing influence of the American electoral coverage. The media has an important role in the society, and it intends to impose its criteria over politics. The media has a successful intervention when it comes to establish the agenda of the candidates. The media sees itself as an instrument of social pressure. In addition, many journalists show off a bold intention to become the mediators between those who aspire to occupy a public position and the voters. The objective would be to keep the members of the government and the candidates under observation.

Plenty of doubts emerge from this extremely positive vision of the political life and the role that the media allegedly play in it. It is necessary to wonder about the excessive amount of attention that the media get during the elections. For example, in the case of the United States, many people criticize a confusion of terms: the difference between political communication and propaganda. The governmental programs, which should be the basic source of information for the voters, frequently become a production of images that, in the end, look like commercial. The image of the candidates is launched as any other product is. An electoral campaign eventually turns into a marketing campaign. The image advisors become the new gurus of politics.

There is no doubt that this conception of an electoral campaign is very superficial. It is no longer about discussing, examining, and deciding between the different proposals. The public opinion over the politicians is built on a foundation of uncertainties and disinformation, aimed to affect the emotions and the feelings of the voters. The content of the messages is reduced to a few phrases and to several events. In this context, the citizenry is not informed, and they are not prepared to decide what candidates are qualified to work for the social ideals of the state. At this point, either they do not vote or their decision is made based on a few formal aspects that do not have much connection with the destinies of the society.

The debates that are broadcasted on television are presented as the quintessential moment of contact between the voters and the candidates. It is necessary to be more conscious about this fact. It would also be convenient to wonder if these debates actually promote a discussion about the most critical problems that affect the society, or if this is only a chance to polish the image strategy of the candidates. It is important to consider if the media that promote the debates have previously informed the audiences about the different proposals. It is necessary to make sure that the voters are not being manipulated to favor a specific political option.

Some analysts wonder how convenient it would be to persuade the members of ARENA to have a debate about the proposals of the different parties. This is an interesting initiative, necessary to make certain decisions. El Salvador does not have a tradition of public debates to discuss the performance of the public administration.

That is why the ARENA candidate who runs for mayoress of San Salvador refuses to discuss her proposals for the metropolitan region with the rest of the candidates. There is no doubt that such strategy belongs to the typical profile of a “flawless” campaign. This vision privileges the visual image, without giving any importance to the discussion of the social problems. This perspective is far from considering an electoral campaign as an opportunity to discuss the problems of the citizenry.


In this context, it is difficult to foresee any improvements in the administration of the national politics. Many politicians do not seem to be willing to involve the society in a discussion about the country’s problems. We do not count with a group of media enterprises compromised with the democratic values. Then again, the electoral campaign will not enable the society to put over the table the enormous difficulties of the everyday life. That is why it does not seem odd to say that we are living in the middle of a violent situation, politically speaking. That seems logical in this context. When it comes to politics, when there are no ideas, all we are left with is a violent and an arrogant adversary.

G

 

Economy


The structural crackles of the Salvadoran economy

 

The general perspective of the present economic situation has an ambivalent connotation. On the one hand, it is imposed as the axis of the governmental apparatus, a wave of actions to multiply the spaces and the positive concessions about the foreign capital through free trade agreements. This reveals a perfect symbiosis with the Neoliberal economic ideology: to open new areas to accumulate profits. On the other hand, we see the continuous depreciation of the productive machinery of the micro and the small business companies. To this we can add the systematic disintegration of the agricultural sector, the reduction of the purchasing power of the middle and the lower classes, and a series of external factors which deteriorate the economic context.

This perspective presents the negative impact on the purchasing power of the individuals who earn the lowest wages. Some of the facts that we can list are the following:


- The historical reduction of the amount of remittances.
- The intention to increase the Value Added Tax on books.
- The increasing prices of petroleum and the electric energy.
- The recession of the productive sectors.


We live in a context where 70% of the owners of the micro, the small, and the medium business companies say that their sales did not improve during the last year. The fact is that 40% of the GNP comes from the contribution of this sector, which even if it is structurally weak, it employs over one third of the economically active population. The president of the Salvadoran Association of the Medium and the Small Business Company Owners (AMPES, in Spanish), Mariano Pinto, said “We are in the mouth of everyone, but in the hands of no one”, speaking about the promises of the propaganda about the free trade agreements with the United States and Canada.

The complaint of those companies –PYMES- is authentic. It can be added to the demands of the productive sectors of the country, where the agricultural sector is included, since both areas are connected by a growing concern about their vulnerability and their systematical marginalization from the protection of the State. The main problem is that both sectors do not count with the minimum capacity to export goods. They have a small variety of products, a poor access to credit, the public services such as electricity and telecommunications are expensive, and the taxes are increasing. In addition, the delinquency problem is out of proportion, it is difficult to have an open access to technology, there is lack of training, and the little support from the government complicates this situation. In the urban areas, both the middle and the lower classes need the PYMES. According to the AMPES, during the last year, 50,000 people were fired from that sector. If the agricultural sector is not encouraged in the rural areas, the “extreme poverty” issue will be a synonym of the daily life of a considerable sector of the population.

If the key productive sectors of this country are in crisis –especially if these sectors feed the middle and the low levels of the population-, what can be expected from the up-coming free trade agreements? Will they improve the development of the majority or will they deteriorate the few economic anchors from which many people depend on to survive? Will the erosion of the middle class enlarge the gap between wealth and poverty?

The negative effect of the government’s economic policies has had a direct impact over those families who earn the lowest wages. The country’s present situation reflects the vulnerability of the Salvadoran economy. Everyone is aware that the umbilical cord that sustains the Salvadoran macroeconomic stability exists thanks to the remittances. The problem with remittances is that “they can only be seen as a temporary benefit”, as the Director of the Migration and Development Center of the University of Princeton, Alejandro Portes, stated in a recent forum about immigration, organized by the Latin American Faculty of Social Science (FIACSO, in Spanish).

The bottom line issue is crucial. The last figures revealed by the Banco Central de Reserva (the Central Bank of Reserve; BCR, in Spanish) throw a red light on the mid and the short-term economic projections. The family remittances only grew by 1.3% during 2002. This was the lowest rate in almost a decade. However, the contribution from the Salvadorans who live abroad ($1,935.2 million), was equal to 13.6% of all that was produced during 2002. It exceeded the exportation activities of all the sectors (including the maquilas). By the end of November, it also exceeded the exportation made by both the maquila and the coffee-growing sector. A basic analysis would show that this is part of a normal economic cycle, and that soon the situation will improve. However, taking a critical look at things, it is clear that the Salvadoran economy shows a high level of dependence from the United States. This situation is intensified by the dollarization process, which could be a time bomb not only for the population, but also for the very foundations of the present model.

The Wall Street Journal has published a number of headlines that point at a deteriorated economy in the United States, and “even the optimistic ones are beginning to lose their faith in the dollars”. The eventual reduction of the United States’ productive growth rhythm, the possibility of a war with Iraq and even one with North Korea, and the systematical fall of the dollar (16% before the Euro, since the beginning of 2002) will affect almost two million of Salvadorans who depend from the economy of the United States.

For a group of structural problems, it is necessary to design a set of structural solutions. It would not be realistic to think about an improvement when the purchasing power of the majority keeps decreasing, and the productive sectors are affected by the economic crisis. Internally, it is necessary to deal with an enormous number of people overlooked by the free trade agreements. This situation can only favor the small economic elite that dominates the country. Externally, the initiatives such as the ALCA and the free trade agreement with the United States do not reflect an interest to improve the Central American development. The president of the Inter-American Dialogue, Peter Hakim, stated that “in the end, the American companies are always looking to invest in places where they can pay lower salaries and where the cost of living is not high” (The New York Times, 01.19.03, p.7). That is why they are interested in our region.

G

 

 
 
 


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