PROCESO — WEEKLY NEWS BULLETINEL SALVADOR, C.A.

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Proceso 1021
October 23, 2002
ISSN 0259-9864
 
 

INDEX




Editorial: Too good to be true

Politics: The health system in a political crossroad

Economy: Reflections about the “Hands on Duty” plan

 
 
Editorial


Too good to be true

 

It seems that President Flores’ solution to the public health problem did not end with the conflict at the Salvadoran Social Security Institute (ISSS, in Spanish). Now the conflict has jumped from the ISSS to the union of doctors and to different social organizations as well. The problem has taken a critical turn: the national health system might go on strike. President Flores’ solution, instead of responding to the doubts and the demands of the doctors and the unions, it only contributed to increase those doubts. His words have no credibility. That is why they demand from him a legislative decree to forbid the privatization of the public health system.

The creation of a new public health system has a weak spot: it lacks consensus. It is an imposed solution that did not go through a negotiation process, it was made public against the opinion of one of the most important and affected sectors. No reform of this nature can be successful without the approval of the sectors involved in this case. This principle is taught even by the World’s Bank (El Banco Mundial), the leading promoter of the public services’ privatization. The only sector that has enthusiastically saluted the approach of the Executive power is the business elite, which in a reunion gave its immediate support to the government. This unconditional support can be important for the government, but it is not a very good sign for the sectors connected with the public health, which are the leading protagonists of the conflict. The members of the union reject the proposal because they consider that President Flores is lying again.

The reform intends to keep the present level of medical attention without increasing the sum of money that the contributors pay, but providing the public with a better service. This is an attractive approach for a population that has been mistreated, disrespected and inefficiently assisted by the ISSS for decades. In theory, those insured will be able to choose to remain in the ISSS program or to go to a private clinic. The reform is ambitious. It duplicates the coverage for the children of the contributors, and that is an important sector. In the near future, it promises to include the independent workers, the rural workers, the domestic service, and the immigrants. The answer of the contributors is predictable. Most people will tend to find in the private health system what they cannot find in the ISSS: they will not have to wait for months for an appointment or for an operation. They will not have to wait for hours to receive medical attention, they will receive their medications immediately, and their tests will be promptly practiced, and the indirect costs will be lower. In a word, the proposal is attractive. You could almost say that it is too good to be true. It looks as an irresistible proposal since it is aimed to a vulnerable sector and it is also aimed to allegedly improve one of the worst public services.

If most of those insured choose to leave the ISSS by the end of two or three years, the ISSS will not be financially viable and it will become an obsolete institution. Its destiny has already been decided. With this, the government might achieve two objectives: to privatize the service and to eliminate a source of conflicts that turned unmanageable along the last few years. If, as it has been promised, in a few years the coverage becomes universal, then the national system of health will also become obsolete. By then, the ARENA administration will be able to get rid the Ministry of Health. There are plenty of reasons to suspect.

If the arguments that the defenders of this reform use is that the ISSS is being inadequately administrated, and that plenty of corruption cases have taken place inside it
–and those are facts that cannot be denied- they forget to mention that ARENA is the one that has been directing the institution during the last decade. The allegations seem to indicate that corruption is a problem inside the unions, and that those unions should be blamed for the crisis of the ISSS. This is not true. Most of the responsibility belongs to its direction, which has been in the hands of ARENA. To blame the unions for the chaos of the ISSS is to overlook the perverse maneuvers performed by the directors who were designated by ARENA. The important decisions, such as the destiny of the ISSS funds, the bids, the budget, and the internal organization are not the responsibility of the unions, but the responsibility of the direction. In all of these decisions there has been plenty of space for a corrupt performance and an inadequate administration because of the lack of control procedures. The discredit the institution has been pushed into is nothing but an excuse to justify the change. In any case, the contributors wonder how a patrimony of $200 million has not been enough to provide a better service along the last ten years.

By transferring the services of the ISSS to a number of private companies, the costs will increase simply because those companies want a profitable business. No private “health” company will render its services for free. If those companies were happy with a profit of 10%, the cost of the health service would increase in that proportion. Therefore, the service will be more expensive than it was at the ISSS. When they expand the coverage of the beneficiaries, including those children under 12 years old, the costs will also increase. If the sums of money the people pay as contributions are not going to increase, the ISSS will have to respond with its own resources to the new demand –and those resources obviously have a limit-. When they run out of funds, either the contributions will be increased or the services will be reduced, even both things can happen at the same time. When this moment arrives, the contributors will be the prisoners of the private companies that might administrate the health sector, since by then the ISSS will be ready to collapse, and the contributors will not be able to come back to the ISSS. By then, their choices will come to an end. At this point, only those who can afford the medical attention will be able to receive it. Therefore, the expansion of the coverage and the possibility choose will be nothing but an illusion.

It seems suspicious to say that the service of the ISSS will be able to absorb both the rural and the urban independent workers, considering the high unemployment and the underemployment levels. The domestic workers are included, but nothing has been said about the women of the rural area, one of the most vulnerable sectors. With the salary that those who work doing domestic chores make, it is not clear how they will be able to contribute. There is not enough information about the necessary requirements to receive the benefits of this proposal. The only information available is that you have to remain at least for a year with the same health care provider. The so called democratization –indispensable by the way- involves plenty of activities, but there is no information available about the procedures that those actions will follow. Just like the foreign expert brought by the government observed, the fact that the universal coverage is contemplated by the law does not mean that some day it will become a reality. That is the situation of the pensions.

The defenders of the solution that Flores presented sustain that this is not a privatization. If this were so, what would be the point to veto a legislative decree that forbids the privatization of the health system? The business elite prefers to talk about modernization, that is, about a better service; and about the elimination of both the deficiencies and the institutional corruption, and the administrative chaos. No one can oppose to that perspective. The fact is that, for the members of the business elite, they are the only ones capable of ending with the vices, they seem to forget that those vices take place a t a private level. The business companies talk about creating an institution able to control them. None of the existing organizations have been able to control the business companies. The existing superintendence does not defend the rights of the users once the companies are privatized. It does defend the owners of the new companies. The competition factor, which allegedly obliges the companies to improve the quality of their products and lower the prices, does not offer any kind of procedure to control the large business companies because they form oligopolies that make it impossible to develop a real competition. When both the pension scheme and the electric energy distribution were privatized they used the same discourse.

ARENA and its President understand freedom in a very odd kind of way. There is freedom to use the currency one chooses to use, but technically there are no Colones. The banks do not work with Colones anymore. Theoretically, a person can change from one distributor of electric energy to another, but technically that is not possible. Theoretically, the contributors could bring their funds to the AFP they prefer, however there are actually only two of them, and they are almost identical. Theoretically, there would be lower and better prices; in fact, the prices are much higher and the quality has not been improved. Theoretically, the doctors, the nurses and the assistants can integrate their own companies to offer their medical services and obtain profits; technically, this business is reserved for those who own a considerable amount of resources, just like it happened in the case of ANTEL. The ANTEL workers were soon obliged to return the shares that they owned.

These suspicions lead us to conclude that the proposal of President Flores, and the proposal of both the private business companies and the media are nothing but more demagogy. Those who see one more lie in this proposal are not completely wrong. In a few years, the ISSS will be history and the contributors will be trapped in the private companies who will administrate the health system. Therefore, only those who pay will receive a qualified service.

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Politics


The health system in a political crossroad

 

Only a few months away from the celebration of the elections, the environment begins to turn critical because of the open conflict of the ISSS. The right-wing seems to see a flagrant and an unacceptable manipulation of the left-wing. The strikers, the doctors, and other workers would be some sort of puppets –according to the particular perception of the spokespeople of ARENA- in the hands of the FMLN, the main opposition. The President considers as an evidence of the former idea the fact that a former coordinator of strikes has been elected as a congressman of the left-wing party. The FMLN, instead, has not hidden its sympathy for the anti-governmental movement. That is without a doubt, the only effective resource it can count with to stop the privatization initiatives of the ARENA leaders.

In this melange of mutual accusations, plenty of essential elements are overlooked. In the first place, it is convenient to wonder if it is legal to politicize the conflict of the ISSS. The arguments of the governmental sector are an invitation to stop politicizing the discussion about the health problems. This is wrong. The discussion should be politicized because that is the only way to reach a viable solution.

It should not seem strange if the main opposition party expressed its support to the strikers. To call this support “a manipulation” is to show a considerable degree of political blindness. That is a farce. The answer to the workers on strike is also a political strategy. The sophistry to use the suffering of the patients to discredit the demands is as political as it is repugnant. In addition, not even the strikers would have to refuse the help of the political sectors that sympathize with them. Someone defined politics as the institution where the decisions that affect the society are made. Following this line of thought, there is no doubt that the negotiations about the resolution of the conflicts at the ISSS and at the national health system are related with this definition.

Once the false ghost of the allegedly inconvenient politicization of the crisis at the ISSS is exorcised, it would be necessary to discuss the democratization of the preventive health system. In his discourse to the nation, on October 14th , and after reviewing the most relevant problems of the ISSS, President Flores spoke about the need to “democratize the preventive health system”, which means to “expand the coverage, to add benefits without increasing the contributions, to offer more and better employment opportunities for those who work in the health system”. To materialize all of these benefits, the ISSS would have to go through an intense reform.

Without going into the details about the viability of the presidential proposal, or without even questioning it because of its cost, it would be convenient to understand what kind of democratization are they talking about. By examining that issue, maybe we will be able to make a better contribution in the debate about the integral reform that the national system of health demands. Independently from the differences of the diverse actors who are involved in this problem, and after clarifying the sense and the dimension of the concepts that have been used to describe this situation we will be able to know if this discussion has a future, and eventually rectify the strategy. In other words, in order to respond if the strikers should stop the pressure or not because of the reforms that the President announced, we would have to clarify the meaning of the democracy concept that the president used.

To measure the degree of democratization in a political system, the analyst test how capable this system is to demand a responsible attitude from the citizenry before the decisions taken by the authorities. They also test how that system establishes its decisions, considering the contribution of the citizens as the result of a free deliberation. From this perspective, a certain process is considered a democratic as long as it reflects the respect that the citizens receive, and as long as it reflects the respect that the authorities should have for their duties and the rights. In this sense, the “democratization” concept would be connected with those processes in which the regulations and the procedures of the citizenry are applied. And these norms and procedures are nothing but “the right to be treated by other human beings as equals, in reference to the formulation of the collective options. And the obligation that those who administrate such options have: to be accessible and give an equal response to all of the members of the political system”.

Considering this situation, the proposal of Francisco Flores becomes questionable. Does it respect the principles of democratization? On the contrary, without considering the opinion of those involved in this problem, and ignoring the formerly presented proposals, the President decides to launch a hasty solution. More than anything else, the objective was to end with the claims of the strikers. Will we actually come close to a democratization of the health system? Such conclusion cannot be made when at the starting point of the problem we find such a flagrant imposition, without willing to listen to the opinions of those involved in this matter.

The way in which this president is trying resolve the conflict at the ISSS faithfully reflects how the national democratization scheme actually works. If the decisive participation of the civil society is expected under a democratization scheme, then this principle is not working out in the best way possible. On the contrary, the governments make it impossible for the new actors to participate in the discussion of the problems of the society. The fact that President Flores ignored all of the social and the political actors when it came to formulate his proposal is only a sample of what happens every day in the national life. The unions not only have to keep demanding their rights, but they should also intensify their pressure and demand that the president includes them in the debates and consider their proposals for a prompt and a fair solution of the conflict at the national health system.

In this sense, how much the unions can achieve through their demands will be a crucial test for the national political system. Not only the particular interests of the ISSS workers are at stake here, but also the will of the governmental sectors to include other actors in the discussion of the conflict of such an important sector. The privatization of the public institutions administrated by the former ARENA governments went right ahead without too much opposition from the organized sectors of the society, the same cannot be said now when this situation might be completely different. As long as someone can stop the unilateral proposal of the Executive, a considerable achievement will be reached in order to take a step further in the national democratization process.

G

 

Economy


Reflections about the “Hands on Duty” plan

 

Before the labor crisis would take a turn for the worst at the ISSS, and right before de announcement of the veto of the legislative motions that intended to favor the coffee-growing sector, President Flores announced the proposal of the “Hands on Duty” plan. This plan is intended to confront the unemployment problem and the structural crisis generated by the fall in the international prices of coffee.

The priority of this measure is to palliate the impact of the coffee-growing sector’s crisis over the already precarious living conditions of the rural population, and support the haciendas’ productive conversion efforts. Two aspects stand out from this proposal:
1. The flexibility that it shows to adopt the intervention policies (Keynes-like policies).
2. The prevailing overprotective postures to support the weakened coffee-growing sector, all of this combined with extreme measures to avoid the emergence of a generalized rural homelessness.

To think that through a directed public investment the possibilities of employment will grow, reminds us of a state that constantly intervenes in this matters instead of helping to activate the adequate procedures. The ARENA administrations have built this image.

On the other hand, the programs destined to give support to the hacienda owners and the coffee-growing cooperatives remain as a part of the governmental measures, and now they include an explicit concern about the rural population. As it will be reviewed in this article, the already mentioned plan is intended to grant, among other things, a financing of $15 per hundredweight with an ownership guarantee, to at least support the coffee harvest and avoid the loss of thousands of temporary jobs.

The “Hands on Duty” plan would include, according President Flores, two initiatives: the creation of temporary jobs at the rural areas, and the increase of the value of the Salvadoran coffee. The first initiative stands out from the whole package announced by the president, not only because of its implications about the employment issue, but because it reveals how, for the government, the rules can always bend a little according when it is convenient –or urgent-. Among the measures announced by the government, the following are included:
1. $85 million will be assigned for the social and the productive infrastructure. This is supposed to generate jobs for 23,000 Salvadoran families.
2. The school lunches would be duplicated in the 69 counties that are considered the most affected ones by the crisis, 900 metric tons of food would be delivered through those counties.

Without a doubt, this measure has an interventionist appearance. That point has been reached by the consequences of the coffee crisis and its impact over both the employment and the income levels, and the nutrition of the day-laboring families. This emergency has to be taken seriously, since according to the recent studies of the Food World Program, almost 30,000 people would be suffering of malnutrition in El Salvador because of the coffee-growing sector’s crisis. While in the coffee-growing counties, such as Juayua, the malnutrition statistics in the children under five years of age have reached dramatic levels (85%), according to the figures compiled by the UNICEF.

The adoption of the temporary jobs’ program y food aid programs is, without a doubt, necessary even if it is a reactive measure, in the sense that it uses the state’s intervention until the situation has reached critical levels, and this compromises the survival of the population. In an scenery such as the present one, with a crisis in the coffee-growing sector that has lasted for over ten years, it is necessary to ask ourselves if it is not more logical to direct the intervention of the state towards a permanent action of productive diversification. This could generate employment for those who are less fortunate.

President Flores sustains that “the diversification absorbs the impact of the crisis, since coffee only represents a.4% of the exportations for the year 2001”. However, it must be said that the present situation reveals that the “diversification” has not been able to generate enough employment sources to absorb the Economically Active Population (PEA, in Spanish). In this sense, it has to be acknowledged that the maquila products are the leading “diversified” exportations; however, they do not guarantee the insertion of the highly vulnerable population into the labor market.

On the other hand, the productive were the following:
1. The establishment of a credit line of $15 per hundredweight with an ownership guarantee. With this, it is expected to generate (or at least not to loose) 36,000 jobs during the harvest periods.
2. The creation, in a term of 60 days, of a $100 million fund for a productive permanent diversification of the cultivation of fruit and wood.
3. To collect debts from the FICAFE program.
4. To expedite a 6% refund to the exportations of the certified coffee.

Additionally, President Flores announced the negotiation measures to “face the international market’s distortions which now severely punish the producers and concentrate all of the profits in the hands of the intermediaries”.

Those measures destined to the producers would be a sort of “substitute” for the request that the coffee-growers made in order to be exonerated from certain charges, and be able to renegotiate their debt. This initiative was supported by the Legislative Assembly, and vetoed later by President Flores. With the new measures, they incorporate a mechanism to guarantee (at least) the harvest, and the generation of a number of jobs in this sector. However, nothing has been done to change the conditions for the following agricultural year –despite the efforts to negotiate the international prices-.

The crisis of the coffee-growing sector has a structural character, it responds to the new logic of the world, in which the possibilities of the existence of cartels –besides the petroleum cartels- are not very probable. In the past, the chance to control the world offer guarantied in a great deal the success of a coffee-growing company. In the present, the free game of the market forces seems to lead to the eventual economic collapse of this sector.

Reality itself questions the dogma of the market, and obliges those involved in that game to implement measures that do not “fit in” the ideology of an efficient state. The three administrations of ARENA gradually adopted those measures during the nineties.

A very important issue is how to properly handle the state, in order to launch initiatives aimed to improve the integration perspectives of El Salvador in the world’s economy. The maquila, even if it grows larger, it would only generate employment for the urban sectors, but it would completely overlook the rural population, which needs to receive a certain stimulus to have access to the new means of existence. The crisis of the coffee-growing sector can be added to the eternal crisis of the day-laboring economy, intensified by the frequent draughts, the disasters, and the economic and the social exclusion. The “Hands on Duty” plan is a proof that in order to change the hurtful reality of poverty and homelessness it is necessary to count with the intervention of the state, with a development perspective. The market only leads to a dangerous intensification of the social contradictions, and that problem has to end.

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