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     Proceso is published weekly in Spanish by the Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI) of the Central American University (UCA) of El Salvador. Portions are sent in English to the *reg.elsalvador* conference of PeaceNet in the USA and may be forwarded or copied to other networks and electronic mailing lists. Please make sure to mention Proceso when quoting from this publication.

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Proceso 1003
June 12 , 2002
ISSN 0259-9864
 
 

INDEX




Editorial: They have lost their direction

Politics: The electoral strategy of the FMLN

 
 
Editorial


They have lost their direction

 

A person from a prestigious American University had to come and tell them that with the way they conduct their country, their economy and their politics they will not achieve the goal they want to reach. In other words, he came to tell them that they had lost their direction, in the language of the President; or that they were not competitive, in a standard language. That is the same thing that the UCA, in its different publications and interventions, has been saying all this time. The knowledge of the national reality is not a privilege of the famous North American professor. The difference is that they accept that observation from him, even if they are not happy about it. They do not only accept that observation, but, in addition, they pay him a considerable amount of money to come and tell them the truth about the country in which they live and which they exploit.

In a synthesis, what he told them is that they are not competitive, because it seems that they believed, by mistake, that the productivity of a country rests on the macroeconomic index and not in the business companies; because they forgot about the micro-economy, a fundamental aspect of the economic development; because they do not produce, and to export, they have to produce high quality goods and actually use the new technologies; because they do not train their workers and, in addition, they offer them very low wages, creating only more poverty; because the economic activity and the wealth are concentrated in a very small group of people; because the members of this group enjoy many privileges, blocking a real local, vigorous and wide competition among themselves. If they do not know how to compete in the local environment, they will not be able to do it internationally either.

He warned them about this purpose. The first advice was that they should put their feet on the ground, because the free trade agreements do not necessarily mean more competitiveness. The competitiveness can only be accomplished if they reverted the former observations. He thought that they should also stop believing that being competitive meant to turn the back on agriculture. The second indication was that without a national agenda and without a development plan they will never succeed. However, that agenda and that plan should share a fundamental vision of the country and its problems, not only performed by the present government, but by the business companies, the syndicates and the intellectual sector. Therefore, it is necessary to work in order to achieve a wide consensus, which until this day has been avoided by the different ARENA governments.

He also told them not to have any false expectations believing that development and prosperity were at hand. He warned them and told them that in order to get there it was necessary to make a permanent effort, as well as to have state policies and not only governmental policies. In other words, that the policies that lead to that goal cannot respond to the beliefs and the wishes of the presidents, but to a wide consensus and a national plan, a specific agenda connected to the national budget.

Therefore, it is necessary to establish again an institution qualified to plan the direction they will take. To believe that the recent investments made in the country are the beginning of a solution is another false expectation, because those investments have come attracted by privatization an not by the interest to create new industries and produce new exporting goods, and because they are investments that seek inexpensive laboring, which only creates more poverty. In other words, the maquila is not a solution to the challenges of the economic growth, the sustainable development, nor the solution to end with poverty. He also told them that they cannot keep disdaining the cultivation of science and technology, they have to get closer to the universities, since the country has to count with a national strategy to develop the scientific and the technological fields, two basic aspects of the sustainable development.

He told them that they cannot excuse themselves behind the existence of a political opposition that would block the development process. That is what the dialogue and the consensus are for. They cannot use as an excuse the catastrophes either, because disasters happen when the available resources are use inadequately. Ultimately, he told them that they were doing exactly the opposite to what they should be doing to reach the goals they wanted to achieve.

The top of the mountain, therefore, is not as close as President Flores thinks. While he keeps insisting on taking the same route, his "invitations" to "double the efforts", to "use all of our optimism", because "we will conquer our mountain", "the top of the development process", "through the route of freedom", make no sense. The former two governments made similar invitations, and after thirteen years of struggling with the course of the events, the country is still far away from the top of the mountain. It is a distant place for most of the Salvadoran population. The hopelessness –to lead a human and a decent life in El Salvador- generated by the absence of real possibilities is an uneasy feeling, as the President said in his speech. The Salvadoran population made its own decision a long time ago. They abandoned the guidelines that those governments offered and chose it own route, the one that takes them to the North. With great courage, the people take the enormous risks of this clandestine itinerary. Most of the people who intend it accomplish it. Those who are returned, keep trying as many times as it is necessary. That is how the smugglers of illegal immigrants are better guides than the ARENA presidents. The example of those who go to the North is more of a reflective thought than the one of the mountain climbers, at least for most of the Salvadoran population.

Despite of all the observations, the professor's critics were welcomed. President Flores himself reacted immediately, saying -with too much ease- that he had paid attention to them. Many people considered them as positive advise. It is not clear though why these observations are positive now when the analysis of a local university was not good enough for them. Maybe it is because these comments are made by a distinguished professor of a well-known university of the North, paid with a considerable amount of money. In any case, the important factor is that they realize how inadequately they are administrating the country, and to start working immediately in order to correct the prevailing actions.

G

 

Politics


The electoral strategy of the FMLN

 

The FMLN shook the right-wing's old fears when it presented a document that contained the main items of its electoral strategy. The accusations of certain news media were immediate. The reason is that in the document named "The Strategy of the FMLN. The 2002-2004 National Council", the left-wing party vindicates the need to establish a Socialist government. However, the FMLN's proposal deserves a profound analysis.

The document presents a discourse that has nothing to do with Neoliberalism. In fact, it explains that the transition period, opened with the Peace Agreements, was transformed by a part of a right-wing sector into a Neoliberal and antidemocratic transition. Therefore, it assures that "the revolutionary forces" were not able to achieve a "revolutionary and democratic" transition.

The FMLN defends "the state's political reform" and the protection of the "institutions and the procedures that took place with the Agreements" back in 1992. This is a positive objective for the country. However, it is necessary to remember that the Peace Agreements establish the foundations to overcome the different causes of the war. It particularly concentrates itself in two of those causes: in the reform of the state's institutions (the judicial system and the security forces, for example) and in the violation of the human rights.

However, the causes related to the country's social and the economic structure are aspects in which the Agreements did not dig deep into: the problem of the properties, the social welfare, and the laboring problems are some examples. Certainly, to consolidate a democratic juridical and institutional order is important, but it is not revolutionary per se.

The revolutionary transformations cause deep structural changes, and that includes social and economic changes that the Agreements do not propose, precisely because they were agreements between the present official party and the FMLN. Therefore, calling the strict accomplishment of the pact made in 1992 “revolutionary” seems excessive, and to see "the ghost of communism", when it comes to defend the agreements, only shows how narrow minded the Salvadoran right-wing is.

The FMLN's tactical objective is "to defeat the Neoliberal Capitalism ideologically and politically, and implement a new revolutionary government". This part of the document presents an interesting self-criticism which will be discussed later in this article. It is necessary to discuss for now the tasks of that "revolutionary government”: the defense of the Constitution and the enactment of measures destined to guarantee the respect to the population's fundamental rights.

The tactical Objective is coherent with the Characterization of the present period. The important aspect of this part is that the left-wing party is proposing a tactical turn: its followers will have to stop being ordinary voters and transform themselves into "social fighters".

The former ideas constitute a brave self-criticism of the FMLN. The former guerrilla accepts that it fell asleep once it thought it had reached higher levels of "stardom". The access to important positions at the Legislative Assembly, the city halls, and other institutions, caused a certain routine and bureaucratization", causing a separation from the demands of the popular sectors.

The self-criticism goes beyond that. The limits of the FMLN's social struggle would be "under the expectation of wining 'through the parliament' and 'without confrontation'” and by concentrating inside “the national electoral fight and in the internal problems".

Therefore, they admit, the strength of the social changes would have been shadowed by "the dispute between councilmen and mayors, or by very unimportant matters". Therefore, the left-wing party analyzes its need to get closer to the popular majority and strengthen "the basic organization". For that reason, the parliamentary confrontation and the electoral struggle would become one with the social struggles.

That self-criticism should be supported with effective actions aimed to win again the trust of all those sectors that became disenchanted by an FMLN that seemed insistent to avoid "the communist threat" to stay away from scaring the moderate right-wing and the businessmen, rather than using its position to help the popular majority.

Maybe this is the issue that the FMLN does not seem to be able to resolve. In the third paragraph of the document, Forces and correlations in the struggle for the power, they proposed the need to create a block of anti-neoliberal forces, where even those "businessmen" that are not related with ARENA ("the group of the national and the international neoliberal businessmen who represent obstacles for the changes") are included.

It would not be probable for the Salvadoran left-wing to win by itself the elections. It will need the help of an alliance’s policy. However, it would be necessary to be sure about what it is really looking for: more votes, or as the document say, "more people and more revolutionaries". If the first thing is what they are looking for, as an objective in itself, it would not be as important to get involved with the popular demands, because this could reduce the sympathy among the right wing and the businessmen. To have the illusion of wining more votes, the FMLN only has to follow the strategy of the right-wing parties: false promises, demagogic discourses, and a considerable investment in advertising expenses, and the fabrication of an image for the news media.

However, a left-wing divorced from its identity has no possibilities of an electoral triumph. The declarations of the Guatemalan intellectual Edelberto Torres Rivas confirm it (La Prensa Grafica, June 9th ). “In the case of El Salvador –he declared-, where the left-wing has been very close to wining the elections, and it can do it, it will not make it if it is not capable of getting an alliance and reintegrating its traditional forces to advance further and provide more popular support”.

The FMLN can begin to conquer, once again, the support of the sectors that stood by it in the past. It must show its identification with their needs, instead of using those forces to win a share of institutional power in a context dominated by the right-wing. If the FMLN intends to do so, it should not be afraid, not even of an intense “confrontation” with the right-wing. It should not be afraid about what the media will say. This does not mean that the FMLN will get involved in a incendiary activism that has no context. An FMLN effectively connected to the popular majority can guarantee that its policies have their origin in the needs of the population, and not in the expectation to win more votes.

To connect the FMLN with the popular majority means to have a national project that the people can feel identified with. The document admits that “the victory of the revolution was postponed”, and that it is still necessary to discuss what kind of socialism are they fighting for.

In the document, a certain ambiguity can be observed: there is no project. The defense of the Constitution coexists with the defense of Socialism. This is the crucial aspect that the FMLN must make clear, first to itself and then to the population. It has to say if it is fighting for a Socialist model that will go beyond a transformation in the social and economic structure that the civil war caused, or if what it is looking for is a Socialism that resembles the European social democracies: the parliament, juridical reforms and an emphasis on the social welfare that, without a doubt, are also important features in a country with an authoritarian tradition such as this one, but are not “the victory of the revolution”.

The FMLN must be transparent about its objectives. It is no sin if its aspirations have a social-democratic tendency, in case they had it. It is no sin either if its intentions are to build a Socialist experience according to the national conditions and based on authentic democratic actions and not on the decisions of an authoritarian party. This clarification is necessary for the population to know what to expect from the FMLN, so that it can be able to trust in it.

G

 

 
 

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